if you think so Wladimir Putin is the public danger “number 1” for the liberal democracymaybe you should also track the exploits of Xi Jinping.
Vladimir thought that we, “Westerners”, were already soft enough not to be able to do this anymore react Nothing. That we were like the frog slowly cooking in a pot without having the reflex to jump out, and that our democratic pot is now cooking with a mixture of populism and consumerism that he would have left us helpless on the couch to contemplate the swift annexation of Ukraine, perhaps just a little stunned at the insult but paralyzed at the risk of finding the radiators cold.
there story now he’s wrong. It is precisely for this reason that it is also good to take care of your ally, less crude but more powerful. Xi will not seek it head-on collision, at least until it’s safe to maybe win against Taiwan. Now he’s strengthened energy that combines the traditional weapons of authoritarianism with the most innovative tools of frontier technology: the staff of an increasingly powerful army and the carrots of economic investment and cultural and scientific appeal.
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Xi doesn’t want to blow them up international institutions with war crimes, but he wants to nurture a diplomatically aggressive nationalism. It exploits the most serious and systematic violations of human rights extensively, but leaves as little trace as possible since millions of people are involved Uyghurs internment, or for the cultural or other genocide of the Tibetan people, or for the tacit suppression of internal dissent. The noise of the clash is only accepted when it is inevitable for the regime to stand firm, as in the Hong Kong protests.
That Chinese Communist Party Congress Just completed, it sealed hardline strategy and centralization, demolished the boundary of the two mandates for the supreme leader, and violently eliminated any possibility inner contrasts to the party, showing his muscles to the world but with his hands open to continue doing business with whoever he wants.
Xi Jinping’s game may not work. Xi Jinping continued in the anti-Covid curfew with his head down and risked doing so the economy collapse and even popular anger had grown to guard frontiers. The Nobel Prize Amartya Sen at other times he explained how, in the face of famine, for example, democracy harbors the possibility of producing antibodies to correct itself based on the mistakes made, while dictators are forced to defend their mistakes tooth and nail fearing that any more so little criticism could open the abyss of the dispute.
In international politics, if one tries to keep one’s feet in too many shoes, professing internationalism to affirm nationalism, one risks making many pots without the lid. For example, Complicit Ambiguity with Putin’s war of aggression, it could prove a grave mistake now that the Russian military is losing ground. Even the choice to bet everything on ittechnical innovation it could waste an inordinate amount of resources because of the inevitable mistakes that any statist dirigisme produces. The true freedomwhich includes economic and corporate forecasts, offers more reactive market corrections than forecasts by some super bureaucrats.
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Even considering the many weaknesses of the Xi Jinping regime, it would be naïve to expect an implosion along the lines ofSoviet Union 1989. Among the many differences, a fundamental one lies in the nature of the technologies China is focusing on. there digital revolution it feeds on data that forms the basis of all technologies that are summarized under the somewhat vague definition of “artificial intelligence”. A huge produce and treat mass of data, Centralization has advantages, as does the absence of fundamental rights such as the right to confidentiality of personal data. A technocratic regime it can therefore remain very effective when it comes to knowing and understanding people’s needs without allowing leeway.
The difference from yesterday’s Soviet Union, but also from today’s Russia, can be seen precisely in the satisfaction of the average Chinese, for whom the trade-off between freedom and well-being is generally considered satisfying (Minorities and those directly persecuted are obviously not satisfied, and we know too little about what the Chinese really think, but signs of an underlying stability in the regime’s popular popularity seem clear). The enormous amount of money that the Chinese state is investing to push this forwardtechnical innovation it at least partially offsets the damage caused by management inefficiency.
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How “we westerners” should behave is not easy to say. It is now impossible to delude oneself of that isolate politically or economically China. Crazy to pretend it’s a country like any other that you can trust necessary infrastructure for national security and to whom human rights violations are turned a blind eye in order to make businesses of all kinds flourish.
The point on which the challenge should focus is precisely where the Xi regime is winning, namely this technological. We can learn a lot from Taiwan and the island’s response to the pandemic: a combination of technology and democracyHyperdigitalization and an open society that gives hope that it is still possible to invest in a democratic model that does not look to the past but to the future.
The application of the Taiwan model in Europe would mean invest huge resources in technological development in the service of democratic participation. In Italy, the signing of electoral lists is prohibited digital signature I don’t think we’re that far yet.
So let’s continue to negotiate with Vladimir, with a peace with justice, but without losing sight of Xi. If Taiwan became the next Ukraine, it wouldn’t be distance that would make their success less important Resistance. For our own good.