Nuclear power desirable German pragmatism

Nuclear power: desirable German pragmatism

The last three nuclear power plants still in operation in Germany, which are expected to be shut down by the end of the year, could have their lifespan extended due to energy tensions related to the war in Ukraine. Even if nuclear power accounts for only 6% of electricity generation across the Rhine (compared to around 25% at EU level and 70% in France), the operation of these plants beyond December 31 “can be relevant”, explained Chancellor Olaf Scholz on August 3rd. stating that the government would decide in the coming weeks based on the results of an ongoing assessment.

This expansion would obviously be preferable to an even greater use of coal as a substitute for Russian gas. Politically, the gesture would be very strong because it assumes a coalition led by a Social Democrat (SPD) and whose Vice Chancellor Robert Habeck, responsible for business and energy, is a member of the Greens. In 2000, it was a government of these two parties, led by Gerhard Schröder, that decided to phase out civilian nuclear power in Germany. A decision that the conservative Angela Merkel (CDU) initially questioned in 2010 before changing her mind less than a year later, a day after the disaster in Fukushima, Japan.

“A False Sense of Security”

“Politics begins with looking at reality. Especially if we don’t like it,” Scholz wrote in a guest commentary in Le Monde (July 22), before conceding: “The state of our Bundeswehr and civil defense structures, but also our over-dependence on -à- versus Russian energy point to this that we are fooled by a false sense of security. »

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On February 27, three days after Russia invaded Ukraine, Mr Scholz proposed the creation of a €100 billion “special fund” to modernize his army. With the exception of the extreme right and left, all German parties voted in favour, be it the Social Democrats and the Ecologists despite their pacifist culture, or the Conservatives despite being in opposition.

As for nuclear power plants, the extension decision, if adopted, risks a heated debate, particularly among the Greens. But several of its leaders have already indicated that they would not oppose it outright. As with the 100 billion euros for the Bundeswehr, the government could again count on the support of the conservative right.

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Whether in energy or defense, Germany is paying dearly for its past mistakes, which were highlighted by the war in Ukraine. However, the pragmatism of its leaders and a solid culture of compromise have enabled it to make painful choices since the crisis began, avoiding demagogic hubris and disagreements that ultimately discredit public action, playing into the hands of the populists.

The next few months will certainly be difficult for a Germany whose economy is on the brink of recession and which could once again become the “sick man of Europe”, as it was at the turn of the 1990s and 2000s. But if a certain German model is now questioned from an economic or geostrategic point of view, its political model could remain exemplary in many respects. Other European democracies, starting with France, appear much less prepared in this area in the face of the looming storms.

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